bài baccarat_cao thu choi baccarat_có nên chơi casino trực tuyến https://www.google.com//7f9/entreprecariat Sun, 02 Dec 2018 15:12:25 +0000 en-US hourly 1 https://wordpress.org/?v=5.0.3 The Poverty of Praxis and the Web https://www.google.com//7f9/entreprecariat/the-poverty-of-praxis-and-the-web/ /7f9/entreprecariat/the-poverty-of-praxis-and-the-web/#respond Thu, 15 Nov 2018 16:37:25 +0000 /7f9/entreprecariat/?p=991 Read the rest]]> I*m jotting down some quick notes on what seems to have become an obsessive thought: the relationship between poiesis and praxis, as understood by Hannah Arendt in The Human Condition. In broad strokes: poiesis means fabrication, it is the activity of the homo faber, the craftman (be them an engineer or a sculptor); praxis means acting politically, taking initiative, while being seen by other human beings. Poiesis implies a shared world of things, praxis implies a public sphere.

The latter was originally considered the highest human activity but nowadays this is not the case anymore. And here I would like to argue, or at least to suggest, that praxis functions today as a surrogate for a poiesis that is hardly achievable by the most. In other words, people act politically (in a broad sense) because they are unable to make (design + fabricate) things or find gratification in this making.

In this regard, let us consider the recent evolution of the internet. Web became mainstream through users who would act like craftsmen: they would literally design and fabricate their personal webpages in relative isolation (a fundamental necessity of the homo faber according to Arendt). With the advent of the blogosphere first, the web 2.0, and later social media like Facebook, poietic activity became peripheral: from now on, only programmers would craft webpages. The relative isolation that characterized, for instance, the ※webpages of one*s own§ on GeoCities became as well a thing of the past. Facebook is in fact often compared to a piazza or an agor角. If web 1.0 was the laboratory of the homo faber, web 2.0 is the piazza of the zoon politikon.

Now we could say that most people*s praxis on social media is not as authentic as if was in presocratic Greece. Posting on Facebook is like giving an oration fully in the dark: one doesn*t know exactly who is out there and it maybe even be that nobody is hearing. But what other online activities can users dedicate themselves to? Now that the web has become professional, any attempt to design and decorate an autonomous space on the internet feels amateurish. In this respect, I believe that the nostalgia towards the vernacular internet and the apology of ※brutalism§ online are no coincidence. Most are left with political expression (again in a broad sense) that, however, doesn*t coincide with initiative, remaining on the mere level of opinion and reification of thoughts and passions.

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WORK & PLAY & INSIST (Milano, 24/11) https://www.google.com//7f9/entreprecariat/work-play-insist-milano-24-11/ /7f9/entreprecariat/work-play-insist-milano-24-11/#respond Mon, 12 Nov 2018 17:15:29 +0000 /7f9/entreprecariat/?p=986 Read the rest]]> Il 24 novembre sar辰 a Milano per WORK AND PLAY AND INSIST, una giornata di workshop, installazioni, panel e live set a cura di Krisis Publishing, che presenta il nuovo ciclo di pubblicazioni e il progetto Undisclosed Recipient.



> Release ufficiale del libro ※ENTREPRECARIAT 〞 Siamo tutti imprenditori. Nessuno 豕 al sicuro.§
Di Silvio Lorusso, con una prefazione di Geert Lovink e una postfazione di Raffaele Alberto Ventura.

> PANEL 〞 ore 20.45
※WORK. Scenari e immaginari tra imprenditoria del s谷 e precariato permanente§.
Con Silvio Lorusso, Raffaele Alberto Ventura, Pietro Minto, Francesca Coin e un intervento video di Franco Bifo Berardi.



> Installazioni audiovisive a cura di Undisclosed Recipient, nuova label AV di Krisis Publishing.
Installazioni generate con Intelligenza Artificiale di: Mario Klingemann, Damien Henry, Karol Sudolski, Lorem e Nicola Cattabiani, Mirek Hardiker, Luca Pagan.

> LIVE SET 〞 ore 22.00 / 01.00
Mark Fell, Rian Treanor, Luca Pagan.



Ore 15.00 〞 DESIGN AND CONFLICTS: Reappropriation / Misappropriation§
A cura di Paolo Patelli e Krisis Publishing (partecipazione previa iscrizione).

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Entreprecariat 每 Siamo tutti imprenditori. Nessuno 豕 al sicuro. https://www.google.com//7f9/entreprecariat/entreprecariat-siamo-tutti-imprenditori-nessuno-e-al-sicuro-fuori-il-24-novembre/ /7f9/entreprecariat/entreprecariat-siamo-tutti-imprenditori-nessuno-e-al-sicuro-fuori-il-24-novembre/#respond Thu, 01 Nov 2018 10:36:27 +0000 /7f9/entreprecariat/?p=971 Read the rest]]>
ENTREPRECARIAT 每 Siamo tutti imprenditori. Nessuno 豕 al sicuro.

Imprenditore o precario? Sono questi i termini di una dissonanza cognitiva in cui tutto pare una mastodontica startup. Silvio Lorusso ci guida alla scoperta dell’§imprendicariato§, un universo fatto di strumenti per la produttivit角, di poster motivazionali e di tecniche di auto-aiuto per risultare ottimisti. Non solo: un mix di ideologia imprenditoriale e precariet角 diffusa 豕 ci辰 che regola social media, mercati online per il lavoro autonomo e piattaforme di crowdfunding. Il risultato? Una vita in beta permanente, dai risvolti talora tragici.

Dal 24 novembre ※ENTREPRECARIAT 每 Siamo tutti imprenditori. Nessuno 豕 al sicuro.§ di Silvio Lorusso, con prefazione di Geert Lovink e postfazione di Raffaele Alberto Ventura, 豕 disponibile online e in libreria.

10,5 x 21 cm
carta lucida / carta usomano
228 pagine

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Sei mesi di astinenza da Facebook https://www.google.com//7f9/entreprecariat/sei-mesi-di-astinenza-da-facebook/ /7f9/entreprecariat/sei-mesi-di-astinenza-da-facebook/#respond Wed, 18 Jul 2018 08:53:15 +0000 /7f9/entreprecariat/?p=955 Read the rest]]>

Sei mesi di astinenza da Facebook. Nel senso che per sei mesi non ho pubblicato nulla, se non in maniera per cos足 dire omeopatica, ovvero attraverso la pagina che gestisco (i cui follower si contano sulle dita e il cui unico commentatore 豕 un mio amico d’infanzia). A dire il vero avevo gi角 sfrondato radicalmente i miei contatti e smesso di mettere Mi piace: se davvero ho qualcosa da dire, mi tocca commentare. La cosa pi迄 difficile? Resistere all’urgenza promozionale: ehi, ho fatto una collaborazioncina qui, ho scritto una cosina l足, sono bravo no? Ti prego, dimmi che lo sono# E magari contattami, ch谷 il lavoro non 豕 mai abbastanza. A cosa 豕 servito tutto ci辰? Non a molto. Forse, data la mia tendenza a inveire, mi sono fatto qualche nemico in meno, per辰 non sono certo riuscito a intervenire sulle mie nevrosi da timeline. Continuo a scrollare e scrollare come facevo prima con la sola differenza che se mi viene in mente qualcosa lo tengo per me o lo dico altrove (ad esempio su Mastodon, che 豕 proprio un bel progetto ma ci stanno tre italiani in croce). A detta degli scienziati di Facebook consumare contenuti senza produrne di propri rende gli utenti tristi. Ma la cosa veramente triste 豕 che a nulla hanno portato gli schiamazzi intorno a Cambridge Analytica, i vari #deletefacebook, i rimbrotti dei pionieri del web che ci esortano a cancellare i nostri account. Siamo ancora tutti qui, immersi in questo tedio digitale, a ballare e cantare come si faceva durante i giorni pi迄 bui della Peste nera.

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Lifelong Learning https://www.google.com//7f9/entreprecariat/lifelong-learning/ /7f9/entreprecariat/lifelong-learning/#respond Mon, 04 Jun 2018 10:17:22 +0000 /7f9/entreprecariat/?p=945 Read the rest]]>

Dear Reader,

let us be honest: we cannot easily put into words why this show is entitled “Lifelong Learning”. For this to become clear, it’s best to start from the beginning since Lifelong Learning is the material manifestation of endless conversations we have had for years.

Almost seven years ago, while we were sharing a studio in art school, we started taking screenshots of every single captcha that we had to solve while surfing the web. We didn’t really know why# all we knew was that we couldn’t agree on how much work it would take 〞or wouldn’t〞 to pass those so-called “reverse Turing tests”. Now, years later, you can browse a selection of our archive of captchas as part of this show. Strange how things develop in ways one cannot foresee, isn’t it?

Apart from those three months at the end of 2011, we’ve never lived in the same city or even country. Still, we’ve been collaborating regularly, although remotely. During this time our practices developed by moving into different areas, taking different directions and allowing us to strengthen 〞or hoping to do so〞 different skills. For us, making art together has always been a way to meet up, even if only online, in order to share and discuss issues that kept us busy. Hence, it is not a surprise that two of our collaborative pieces are print-on-demand books, objects that neither of us has ever touched before they were shown for the first time in an exhibition.

However, working and learning together has never been an all-smooth process for us. While an invitation to a show in Canada provided us with the rare opportunity to actually spend some IRL time (but not AFK), it resulted in a series of heated discussions about what we thought to have learned since graduation. A bit embarrassing in hindsight.

This show, Lifelong Learning, is yet another way for us to meet up, collaborate and “play around”. In an age when Lifelong Learning has become an economic imperative, we invite you to a playground ???????meant to overcome the need to invest in ourselves, or yourself. While visiting the show you might experience the enthusiasm, inner conflict, and exhaustion that Lifelong Learning, as a regime, a way of coping and a loosely collaborative practice, can bring about.

We’re looking forward to seeing you on the 8th of June at Drugo More in Rijeka (Croatia).


Silvio Lorusso and Sebastian Schmieg

Sent from a CryptPad

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“A CV that Never Sleeps” 每 On LinkedIn https://www.google.com//7f9/entreprecariat/a-cv-that-never-sleeps/ /7f9/entreprecariat/a-cv-that-never-sleeps/#respond Wed, 30 May 2018 09:09:50 +0000 /7f9/entreprecariat/?p=932 Read the rest]]> The writing of this essay, which was originally published on?Modes of Criticism 3 under the title “LinkedIn Society”,? was concluded just before a quite drastic redesign of LinkedIn’s interface. In its conclusions I somehow predicted the elimination of the anomalous functionalities that made LinkedIn peculiar in comparison to the standards of other generalist social media platforms like Facebook. As I argued, these now obsolete functionalities illustrate a utilitarian transparency more genuinely adherent to the ideology and the aims driving the design of the platform than the full ※rhetorical turn toward conviviality§ (Davies 2016) that characterize other dominant social media and guided the current redesign of LinkedIn. Instead of updating the essay according to the new design, I decided to preserve my original analysis in order to provide a chronicle of? the recent history of social media and a proof of the difficulty to formulate a timely critique in a medial ecosystem that is in ※permanent beta§, just like contemporary workers must be according to LinkedIn cofounder Reid Hoffman (2013).

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In ?the last years, much has been written on the Facebook Like Economy, on the grassroots genealogy of the Twitter hashtag, on the formation of a narcissistic subjectivity on Instagram. During this period, LinkedIn has been almost completely ignored. In the Social Media Reader, published in 2012, it is not even mentioned once. In the Unlike Us Reader, published the year after and focused on possible alternatives, LinkedIn appears five times, but only as a fleeting example. Unlike generalist social media, LinkedIn has a specific focus, the world of professionals. IHowever, it is a platform where it*s possible to identify , both in its interface, its communication and its origins, some latent dynamicsthat presently orient social media and, therefore, society at large. This is what makes it ?unique and therefore valuable in the current social media landscape. In this essay, I discuss LinkedIn’s unique functionalities, rhetorics and principles.

What is the usefulness of LinkedIn, an online professional network mostly known for its spammy email techniques? In the creative industries, while most people have an account, no one seems to actually use it. As a communication tool, it is mainly experienced in a passive way. Furthermore, none of my peers seem to believe in LinkedIn as a way to land a job. However, when one is faced with unemployment, a glossy portfolio may not be enough anymore. I experienced it myself: as soon as I started to feel anxious about my job situation, I religiously followed LinkedIn’s automatic suggestions to improve my profile. Creative workers approach LinkedIn with the same skepticism that they have towards the bureaucratic strictness of the Europass curriculum vitae format, yet the platform provides a feeble hope in times of job search despair.

Cartoon modified by Frank Chimero.

Does the abundance of doubts on its actual usefulnessmake LinkedIn irrelevant?? Is the daily use of an online platform the only indicator of its cultural significance? Regardless of its supposed inertia, LinkedIn subtly reminds us of the pervasive regime of both online and away-from-keyboard professional networking. In a series of modified vignettes, graphic designer Frank Chimero showed ?? that the standard Linkedin invitation 〞”Hi, I’d like to add you to my professional network on LinkedIn”〞 might function as a universal caption for The New Yorker‘s cartoon. In Chimero’s appropriations, ?we see people pronouncing that phrase in any kind of social situation, like for instance in bed. These revised cartoons are poignant because we instinctively recognize the way in which professional networking ?permeates our lives. In this perspective, the very existence of LinkedIn appears paradoxical, since it assures us that work and life are distinct spheres. According to its CEO Jeff Weiner (2016), 80% of LinkedIn users want to keep their personal and professional lives separate. LinkedIn is thus more than a series of networked r谷sum谷s. It functions both as a symbol and a platform that displays, enacts, and somehow exacerbates the social dynamics of work ethic.

※Your Parents’ Network§

Preceding Facebook by one year, LinkedIn was founded in 2003 by Reid Hoffman together with some colleagues from Social Net and PayPal. During the last thirteen years, 450 million users signed up for LinkedIn, a third of Facebook’s user base.[1] As the technology writer Evelyn Rusli (2013) points out, LinkedIn was seen as “the ugly duckling of social media” by investors, because of its hybrid business model, and “your mom’s or your dad’s network” by users, probably because of its corporate allure.

However, things have changed in the last years. Not only more young professionals joined LinkedIn, but, according to Jeff Weiner (2014), users now tend to keep their profile constantly updated, rather than adding new experiences only when looking for a job. One could say that this shift, instead of representing a deeper commitment to the platform, merely reflects the extreme flexibility and the demand for relentless improvement that these young professionals have to face.

LinkedIn’s mission to “connect the world’s professionals to make them more productive and successful”, is accompanied by an ambitious vision for the future that is epitomized by the company’s Economic Graph. The idea is simple: LinkedIn wants to create and manage the profile of each of the estimated three billions members of the global workforce, together with the profiles of every existing company, every available job, every required skill, and every institution that can provide these skills. Presented as a response to the steady rise of unemployment, the Economic Graph renders any kind of relationship as an economic exchange between economic agents. It visually embodies the neoliberal paradigm.

The Economic Graph also includes education, one of the areas in which the influence of neoliberalism is most evident. While knowledge is repackaged as “skills”, learning becomes an investment that literally takes the form of an economic exchange, if we consider for instance the fact that almost seven in ten 2013 collage graduates had taken a student loan in the United States (Bidwell 2013). ??.As Franco ‘Bifo’ Berardi (2009) puts it (too emphatically, one must say), “for young people taking out loans in order to study [#] debt functions like a symbolic chain whose effects are more powerful than the real metal chains used in slavery.” As a result of this symbolic chain, students “will have to start working immediately after graduation, in order to pay back a never ending amount of money [accepting] any condition of work, any exploitation, any humiliation, in order to pay the loan.” Here’s where LinkedIn comes in handy: LinkedIn Students is an app that connects students to job opportunities?. The promise of this Tinder-styled tool is to jump the humiliation part in order to directly obtain a meaningful job. In this sense, it is no coincidence that one of the anonymous students quoted when the app was launched was particularly concerned about loans: “I am graduating with $35,000 of debt so landing a good first job out of college is extremely important to me.”[2] As it is often the case in the field of innovation, LinkedIn capitalizes on a dramatic social problem and addresses it with a friendly and apparently trivial technical solution, implementing the optimism of the American dream in its promotional jingle:

From graduation, to a corporation, some adulation, and eventually some serious relaxation.

※All Human Beings are Entrepreneurs§

It is possible to trace the principles that informed the creation of LinkedIn and guide its evolving design. Helped by entrepreneur Ben Casnocha, Reid Hoffman, currently LinkedIn Executive Chairman, outlined his views on society in a self-help book aptly entitled The Start-Up of You (2012). The aim of the book is to help professionals advance their careers by thinking of themselves as startup companies. This proposition derives from what the authors call a revelation: “The conditions in which entrepreneurs start and grow companies are the conditions we all now live in when fashioning a career”. “Now the escalator is jammed at every level”, Hoffman (2012) warns, and it’s the job of each single worker to invest in themselves. A sense of doom surrounds this narrative: “if you fail to adapt, no one〞not your employer, not the government〞is going to catch you when you fall.”

The book begins with a quote by Bangladeshi social entrepreneur and Nobel Peace Prize Muhammad Yunus, according to whom “all human beings are entrepreneurs. When we were in the caves, we were all self-employed”. Entrepreneurialism is therefore naturalized as a form of primordial urge. It becomes an ‘instinct’ that emerges from the frustration of leaving an opportunity economically unexploited. Not only is entrepreneurship coded in the human DNA, but it is also a universal common: after traveling from rural Indonesia to Colombia, the authors can serenely conclude that “entrepreneurship is a life idea, not a strictly business one; a global idea, not a strictly American one.” However, in the book there is no trace of the deductive character ?of these findings: the model that the authors have in mind casts the reality that they experience. As if it were a giant Monopoly game, the world is there to be read in terms of investments, risks, and opportunities. The emphasis on personal responsibility and entrepreneurial spirit is then complemented by the glorification of entrepreneurs in the strict sense: freewheeling individuals who “deal with uncertainties and changes”, “take stock of their assets, aspirations, and the market realities” and “aggressively seek and create breakout opportunities”.

A New York Times best seller, The Startup of You is fundamentally a reboot of the notion of personal branding elucidated in the influential Tom Peters’ article The Brand Called You (1997). The main difference between the two is that while Peters takes inspiration from big corporations, Hoffman looks at startups (that is, basically, his own enterprises and the ones of his peers). But the parallels are frequent. For instance, Peters maintains that one should reinvent themselves on a regular basis, and Hoffman, borrowing from the IT field, calls the same approach “permanent beta”. The universality of entrepreneurialism echoes the democratic promise of personal branding: “everyone has a chance to stand out”, Peters assures.Both Peters and Hoffman give a new, positive spin to the Foucauldian notion of enterprise-unit. In 1979, Michael Foucault (2008) discussed how neoliberalism understands individuals, and how any innate or acquired ability 〞 both physical and intellectual 〞 is converted into human capital.?? The human being is fundamentally seen as a homo ?conomicus that acts as ※an entrepreneur of himself […] being for himself his own capital, being for himself his own producer, being for himself the source of [his] earnings.§

※Let Opportunities Come to You§

LinkedIn represents the ideal platform to test the exercises proposed by Peters and Hoffman to become respectively a brand and a startup. Its user experience is based on the demand of constantly improving one’s profile, which ideally should be a melange of personal values and professional achievements. Is your profile up-to-date? What does it say about the causes you care about? Have you ever volunteered for an organization? Who are the public figures you’re influenced by? Did you ever win an award? ?As stated in a promotional video, “it’s a CV that never sleeps”, that shares any update with your network by default and that will eventually reward you with an All-Star badge.

A recent functionality allows users to be endorsed for a specific skill by other users. These recommendations constitute what can be informally called an ‘endorsement tapestry’, a term that can be found on websites selling fake endorsements?. Similarly to Facebook Likes, endorsements not only serve the purpose of acknowledging skills, but they are a performative means of silently expressing the hope of a transactional mutuality: “I endorsed you, will you endorse me too?”

An example of “endorsement tapestry”.

Tutorials for profile improvement proliferate, some of them produced by LinkedIn itself?, populating a market of professional self-help including titles like From Linked Out to LinkedIn: Unlocking the Power for Career Success. One of the primary tactics of an effective LinkedIn strategy concerns the profile picture: “your face should occupy at least 60% of the frame”, “be serious but not gloomy”, and other tips like these abound. In a tutorial meant for recruiters, one of the suggestions is to “exude approachability”. The quantified, saccharine future portrayed in Black Mirror’s “Nosedive” episode doesn’t seem that distant. Is there anything new about this? Everybody knows that it’s important to dress properly for a job interview. But the job interview is now permanent, and a professional demeanor is permanently required. Like an elevator pitch in a skyscraper with infinite floors.

※Wonder How you Rank Against your Peers?§

According to Peters, career is now “a checkerboard. Or even a maze.” However, LinkedIn artificially reconstructs the verticality of a ladder through a unique ranking system based on profile views. Literal even in terms of interface design, the competitive dimension of career building is represented as a vertical list. With a free account, users have access to their top ten most-viewed connections and the ones just next to them, in the context of their whole network, their own company, or among professionals in the same field. This ranking system has a twofold function: it is framed as a valuable information sold to premium users while it exhorts the others to put effort in the curation of their profiles. This is a unique feature among social media: on Facebook or Twitter one can only deduct the popularity of other users from the quantity of Likes, Shares, and Retweets. Another unique feature of LinkedIn allows users to know who looks at their profile. And, as shown by David Veldt (2013), this form of voyeurism is predominantly oriented towards “young, attractive women”. Here, we catch a glimpse of the indirect usefulness of LinkedIn: the fact that we can’t perceive the same phenomenon on generalist social media doesn’t mean that it is not taking place, so LinkedIn’s utilitarian transparency helps us to formulate general questions on social media usage.

※Congratulate X on the New Job§

As Geoff Shullenberger (2016) points out, one of the reasons why Peter Thiel, the controversial PayPal founder, originally financed Facebook is because it is informed by a theory of which Thiel is particularly fond: Ren谷 Girard’s mimetic theory of human social life. Put simply, Girard claimed that humans desire things because other humans desire them. Desire becomes therefore triangular: it involves an object of desire, a subject who desires the object, and another subject who imitates the first one. It’s easy to see how Facebook, through Likes and Reactions, materializes signals of desire and it is in turn able to shape desire itself.

Together with the “I’d like to add you…” one, there’s another type of email that I constantly receive from LinkedIn. The formula is the following: “Congratulate X on the new job”. Each time that my peers update their position, I’m notified about that and therefore urged to respond. I’m presented with a desirable achievement that I should congratulate for, and so I’m asked to materialize my signal of desire. These requests don’t take into account the current professional status of the receiver, so it is worth asking what are the effects of such kind of spam when someone is having trouble landing a job and other people’s success is one click away.

※Know How You Compare to the Competition§

Is LinkedIn so different from Facebook? Social media are generally understood as platforms that enable, facilitate, or amplify personal expression and communication among peers. But besides this fundamental function, social media also foster the relentless curation of a personal brand and the performance of an entrepreneurial persona whose effectiveness is constantly measured and ranked. Nowadays, analyzing the Facebook profile of candidates before hiring them is a matter of common sense. Furthermore, Facebook portrays users as ※enterprise-units§ since the layout of a personal account has the same appearance of ?the one of a company or a brand. It wasn’t like this some years ago, when the Facebook profile of a user resembled a standard CV while the one of a brand, with its cover image, looked like an advertising space?. Companies don’t have their own r谷sum谷, so maybe it*s the CV itself that is becoming an insufficient tool to promote one’s self-startup.

Linkedin is paradigmatic of the apparatus surrounding what can be called as entreprecariat.[3] That is, entrepreneurialism driven by precarious professional, financial, and emotional conditions. It incorporates the entrepreneurial attitude and the anxieties flitting over it, in both its interface design,in its communication strategy and its ideology. Originating in society at large, the entreprecarious condition permeates every social media, but we tend to overlook it in favor of such notions as community, sharing, and connectivity. Ultimately, we fail to acknowledge the individual dimension of social media, the pressure that the social interactions mediated by these platforms put on the subject, as a single, and paradoxically isolated, human being.


LinkedIn was recently acquired by Microsoft for $26.2 billions in cash, one of the biggest deals in tech history. It comes as no surprise that Microsoft promised to preserve LinkedIn’s brand, culture and independence, but nobody exactly knows what will happen. LinkedIn could soon morph into something completely different or even slowly disappear. That would be a pity. When Facebook informally asks “What’s on your mind?”, it doesn’t only allow users to share feelings and thoughts, it also captures data that can be rationally analyzed in a way that can’t be easily inferred from the original question. Sociologist William Davies (2016) compares this ambiguous surveying process to the method employed to study a focus group. A one-way mirror is used to observe the subjects, who are placed in a comfortable environment that fosters conviviality. While the subjects socialize, useful information is seamlessly collected. This method is particularly successful when the subjects don’t realize that the data collection is taking place. An informal setting is helpful to achieve this goal. Thus, informality contributes to produce opacity whether the context is physical or digital. According to Davies, “social media*s new forms of emotional language can save the user from having to find a more objective or dispassionate perspective”. This is why LinkedIn’s outspokenness is valuable: it explicitly shows some dynamics that appear on other social platforms in a sweetened manner?, yet they are carried out in a rationally brutal way. Without LinkedIn, we would be left with puerile illustrations and cute emojis that are increasingly populating Facebook while hiding the hard numbers and the rationale behind them. However, while some hard numbers are still visible on LinkedIn, its “rhetorical turn toward conviviality” is already taking place.

Political theorists Nick Srnicek and Alex Williams (2015) argue that “with work tied so tightly into our identities, overcoming the work ethic will require us overcoming ourselves”. Similarly, competitive entrepreneurialism is so embedded into the current social conduct that it became invisible. In order to become recognizable, it needs to be externalized, estranged. LinkedIn does exactly that: incarnating the collective obsession with work, competition, and success, it makes users a bit more aware of the way they perform accordingly. When the ranking system is so visible, they might start to question whether it is actually significant. This plausible form of distrust, already involving LinkedIn’s spammy messages, makes it a goofy mascot to make fun of for things that we are dead serious about.

Berardi, F. (2009) The Soul at Work: From Alienation to Autonomy. Semiotext(e) Foreign Agents Series. Los Angeles, CA: Semiotext(e).
Bidwell, A. (2014) Average Student Loan Debt Approaches $30,000. In: U.S. News, November 13. Available at: https://www.usnews.com/news/articles/2014/11/13/average-student-loan-debt-hits-30-000
Davies, W. (2016) The Mismanaged Heart. In: Real Life Magazine, August 3. Available at: http://reallifemag.com/the-mismanaged-heart/.
Foucault, M. (2008) The Birth of Biopolitics: Lectures at the Coll豕ge De France, 1978-79. Basingstoke [England]; New York: Palgrave Macmillan.
Hoffman, R. & Casnocha, B. (2012) The Start-up of You. New York: Crown Business.
Veldt, D. (2013) LinkedIn: The Creepiest Social Network. In: Interactually. May 9. Available at: http://www.interactually.com/linkedin-creepiest-social-network/.
Peters, T. (1997) The Brand Called You. Fast Company, August 31. Available at: https://www.fastcompany.com/28905/brand-called-you.
Rusli, Evelyn M. (2013) LinkedIn: The Ugly Duckling of Social Media. In: Wall Street Journal, February 28, sec. Business. Available at: http://www.wsj.com/articles/SB10001424127887324432004578304740861400194.
Shullenberger, G. (2016) Mimesis and Violence Part 1: Peter Thiel*s French Connection. In: Cyborgology. August 2. Available at: https://thesocietypages.org/cyborgology/2016/08/02/mimesis-and-violence-part-1-peter-thiels-french-connection/.
Srnicek, N. & Williams, A. (2015) Inventing the Future: Postcapitalism and a World Without Work. London: Verso Books.
Weiner, J. In: Hof, R. (2016) More Ad Opportunities Coming for Marketers. In: Forbes. Accessed November 3. Available at: http://www.forbes.com/sites/roberthof/2012/03/21/linkedin-ceo-jeff-weiner-more-ad-opportunities-coming-for-marketers/
Weiner, J. (2014) LinkedIn*s Vision for the Next 10 Years. March 13. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=jm15S1QmOTw.


[1]?Number of LinkedIn Users (2016). Statista. Accessed November 3. Available at: https://www.statista.com/statistics/274050/quarterly-numbers-of-linkedin-members/.

[2]?See: Yu, A. (2016) Introducing the LinkedIn Students App: Helping Soon-to-Be College Graduates Conquer Their Job Search. In: LinkedIn Blog. April 18. Available at: https://blog.linkedin.com/2016/04/18/introducing-the-linkedin-students-app–helping-soon-to-be-colleg.

[3]? See: Lorusso, S. (2016) What is the entreprecariat? In: Institute of Network Cultures, November 27. Available at: /7f9/entreprecariat/what-is-the-entreprecariat/.

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Fake It till You Make It – Genesis of the Entrepreneurial Precariat https://www.google.com//7f9/entreprecariat/fake-it-till-you-make-it-genesis-of-the-entrepreneurial-precariat/ /7f9/entreprecariat/fake-it-till-you-make-it-genesis-of-the-entrepreneurial-precariat/#respond Tue, 22 May 2018 15:32:33 +0000 /7f9/entreprecariat/?p=921 Read the rest]]> Originally published on free bet casino 2019Pagina99 under the title “Vi racconto gioie (poche) e dolori dell*imprecariato“. Illustration by Krisis Publishing

At first glance, the main common denominator for the large demographic segment that goes by the name of Millennials is technology. Those born between 1980 and 2000 are the first to have fully experienced the digital revolution, and already nostalgically commemorate its beginnings. Yet there is another aspect that distinguishes this generation from the previous ones. While the baby boomers have been able to count on a stable career and Generation X has complained about the limitations, for Millennials, a path deprived of detours is unrealistic if not outdated. It’s the very idea of a career that falters against a shared horizon characterized by constant uncertainty.

Those who are now twenty or thirty years old are intimately aware that the center of gravity of their professional identity is located within themselves, rather than in the companies with which they temporarily collaborate. They are the company itself or, to use Michel Foucault’s words, they act as “entrepreneurs of the self”. If we think of the abundant use of similar formulas to present themselves on Facebook, the expression used by the French philosopher in ’79 seems trivial today, and therefore prophetic.

But what does it mean to be an entrepreneur without having a real company to manage? In his youth, Joseph Schumpeter, an influential Viennese economist, considered entrepreneurs to be a rare species that stands at the top of the social pyramid because of its precious ability to innovate. Starting from similar premises, management guru Peter Drucker argued that to accelerate innovation, society as a whole would have to become entrepreneurial, getting rid of that disincentive to progress that is the permanent job. Drucker’s vision is today a reality: in the face of widespread economic and employment insecurity, Schumpeter’s pyramid has been reversed. Everyone is called to free enterprise (even employees, as the concept of intrapreneur suggests). This is the general sense of what we can call, with a dose of irony and bitterness, entreprecariat.

When the entrepreneurial spirit gets to the people, entrepreneurship becomes entrepreneurialism. A specific practice is sublimated in common sense and sometimes in a legendary state of nature. Bengali social entrepreneur Muhammad Yunus, a microcredit pioneer, is widely quoted for his claim that stated that “all human beings are entrepreneurs. When we lived in the caves, we were all self-employed”. While TV programs celebrating an entrepreneurial attitude abound (such as The Apprentice, Dragons’ Den or the latest Planet of the Apps) the cult of Silicon Valley and his CEO gains praise, with notorious vlogger Marco Montemagno sharing the myths and legends of industry giants with the Italian populace. However, entrepreneurial rhetoric presents us with a paradox: while framing on Zuckerberg, Musk and Mayer as the main players of their own kind, we tend to bend over backwards to emulate their characters and their habits, taking note of their weekly diet and the hours of sleep they get every night. Entrepreneurial devotion leads to a reckless self-help exercise.

Cover of the book by Marco Montemagno, published in 2017.

The relapses of this atmospheric pressure are measured psychologically, emotionally and affectively. “Fake it till you make it” is an expression that embodies the existential crisis of the entreprecariat. In a strictly entrepreneurial context, the motto is used when simulating the existence of a product in order to obtain the financing necessary for its realization. Conversely, in terms of pop psychology, the slogan suggests pretending to be happy until one is truly happy. By mixing the two meanings, individuals become an incomplete product in constant optimization that resorts to a conspicuous optimism to present themselves as autonomous to others and to themselves. All this with the risk that, admittedly being the master of their own destiny, the responsibility for their own failures falls only on themselves.

So we meet the fashion designer who pays the rent making home deliveries or the unemployed individual who calls himself a ※startupper” at the bottom of the e-mail. However, the individual that we rarely come across is the one that openly adopts the point of view of precarity, given that this label contradicts the obligatory entrepreneurial pose. What distinguishes the current professional (and therefore existential) impasse is a generalized cognitive dissonance. A condition similar to what Raffaele Alberto Ventura calls “class dysphoria” in his Teoria della Classe Disagiata. If for Ventura the middle class feels rich even if it’s destined to poverty, the members of the entreprecariat need to show themselves as individuals rich of potential in the light of a growing poverty of opportunities to express their abilities.

In addition to the existential dimension of the entreprecariat, the mutual influence between entrepreneurship and precariousness in economic, contractual and social relations can be more concretely noticed. In the United Kingdom, the couriers of the independent IWGB union, in the pocket of the gig economy, claim their rights by stating that, “We are not entrepreneurs”. In the United States, what Paolo Mossetti calls entrepreneurship of despair is now spreading: an increasing number of families are forced to bet on crowdfunding to finance their medical expenses, inventing campaigns that require managerial skills and familiarity with the internet. In Japan, those employees without a fixed-term contract that have several low-profile jobs and whose relationship with freedom sounds like a farce are called ※freeters§ (neologism that combines the English word ‘free’ to the German word ‘arbeiter’). In Italy, we are witnessing the sorrows of the ※popolo delle partite IVA§ (literally ※the VAT people§), whose members are often independent only on paper, while there’s an increase in the number of state programs to convert NEET’s, young people who don’t have a job and have stopped looking for it, in passionate startuppers. Finally, there are admittedly militant positions on the field of the entreprecariat. In her recent Non 豕 lavoro, 豕 sfruttamento, Marta Fana offers a bleak portrait in which precariousness itself emerges as the result of thirty years of policies in favor of companies and to the detriment of workers.

San Precario exhibited during a manifestation. Photo by Samuele Ghilardi.

If so far we have interpreted entrepreneurship from the rhetorical perspective, it’s perhaps possible to recognize a genuine entrepreneurial energy intrinsic to precarity. This is what Michael Hardt and Antonio Negri propose in Assembly, a programmatic essay that extends the famous trilogy of the Empire. An “entrepreneurship of the multitude” rejects the image of the demiurge entrepreneur who extracts innovation by orchestrating cooperation from above and, on the contrary, favors the autonomous and horizontal administration of society, evident to the authors’ eyes in the dynamics of the new insurrectional movements. On the other hand, the San Precario brand, a collective and anonymous creation emerged during the first tumults born explicitly under the banner of the precariat, betrays at the very least a “bottom-up” entrepreneurial inclination.

However, after over ten years from the first appearance of the saint, there’s still no agreement on what the fundamental mission of precariousness is. In his recent General Theory of the Precariat, Alex Foti, an activist who contributed to the canonization of San Precario, indicates three main objectives: urban power, climate justice and Universal Basic Income (UBI). Ironically, this last goal is thrilling for some of those entrepreneurs active in the United States who are currently the object of worship. Hence the risk that if a modest sum of money were to be offered unconditionally and distributed to all citizens, this could bury once and for all that remains of the social welfare. Thus, while we await with anxiety or trepidation the advent of the UBI, the possible paths seem to be two: to replicate the mantra of precarized entrepreneurship or to try to collectively bring about an entrepreneurial precariat.

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Be Like Elon: Entrepreneurial Spirit, Bureaucreativity and Self-Design https://www.google.com//7f9/entreprecariat/be-like-elon/ /7f9/entreprecariat/be-like-elon/#respond Thu, 17 May 2018 10:52:31 +0000 /7f9/entreprecariat/?p=916 Read the rest]]>

Tomorrow I’m giving a talk at Sandberg Instituut and that’s why I was blessed with a flyer designed by the students of the graphic design department. Come and say hi, here’s the abstract:

Be Like Elon: Entrepreneurial Spirit, Bureaucreativity and Self-Design

“You must become an entrepreneur”. This is the obsessive refrain one can hear at any level of society and education. But what is entrepreneurship? What’s behind the elusive notion of entrepreneurial spirit? In this Quicksand talk, Silvio Lorusso will delve into the entrepreneurial culture formalized through the work of, among others, Joseph Schumpeter, Peter Drucker and Tom Peters to show that a radical attitude, one that passionately asks for change, might not be so different from the mindset prescribed by entrepreneurialism. When one’s disposition is instrumentalized to please an expanded bureaucracy that indifferently requires to think differently, design becomes first and foremost a matter of self-design.

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La tragedia del crowdfunding https://www.google.com//7f9/entreprecariat/la-tragedia-del-crowdfunding/ /7f9/entreprecariat/la-tragedia-del-crowdfunding/#respond Tue, 08 May 2018 11:38:35 +0000 /7f9/entreprecariat/?p=912 free bet casino 2019Read the rest]]> [Pubblicato originariamente su Not.]

?A che serve il crowdfunding?? ?A finanziare collettivamente prodotti e servizi innovativi, album, documentari, libri, videogiochi, fumetti, ecc.?, direte voi. In altre parole, se fate parte di quella minoranza che conosce il termine (il 61% degli statunitensi non ne ha mai?sentito parlare) sarete probabilmente inclini ad associare il crowdfunding all*attivit角 delle startup tecnologiche e delle cosiddette industrie creative. Ipotesi in parte confermata dai dati disponibili sulle campagne di crowdfunding che hanno ottenuto pi迄 fondi in assoluto. Escludendo una serie di campagne lanciate indipendentemente o tramite Ethereum (si tratta perlopi迄 di criptovalute) che si collocano?nella top ten, la maggior parte dei restanti progetti 豕 stata finanziata tramite piattaforme come Kickstarter o Indiegogo, entrambe dedicate principalmente a imprese creative o innovative.

Naturalmente importanti somme di denaro attraggono una comparabile dose di attenzione da parte dei media, creando cos足 un circolo vizioso tra il successo finanziario e l*aggregazione di un grande pubblico su testate particolarmente seguite. 豕 il caso di Pebble, un*idea di smartwatch che ha raccolto pi迄 di 40 milioni di dollari durante tre diversi Kickstarter. L*enorme successo in termini di crowdfunding non ha impedito alla societ角 di chiudere i battenti dopo quattro anni di attivit角.

Un altro motivo per cui il crowdfunding 豕 generalmente associato al mondo della creativit角 e dell*innovazione ha a che fare con le sue origini. La raccolta diretta di contributi monetari offerti dagli utenti di internet 豕 emersa in primo luogo come mezzo per finanziare progetti artistici. Tra questi c*豕 il tour americano del gruppo rock britannico Marillion, reso possibile nel 1997 dalle donazioni online dei loro fan per un totale di?sessantamila dollari. Questo caso pionieristico, in cui la raccolta online di fondi non era ancora un processo standardizzato, ci ricorda che il crowdfunding stesso 豕 un*idea imprenditoriale realizzata per la prima volta nel contesto delle arti. Grazie al crowdfunding, parte dello scambio informale che avviene con il pubblico 豕 stato convertito in un modello di business. Oggi, a distanza di vent*anni, lo sviluppo e la cura di una?community?sono considerati aspetti fondamentali del fare crowdfunding.

L*impeto manageriale di questi musicisti aggiunge un nuovo livello di significato al concetto di ?distruzione creativa? formulato dall*economista viennese Joseph Schumpeter, secondo cui una nuova merce, tecnologia, tipo di organizzazione, ecc. erode strutture economiche preesistenti ?e ne crea di nuove. Poich谷 la relazione con i fan fa parte della pratica di un artista, il suo utilizzo per raccogliere donazioni 豕 un*invenzione economica caratterizzata da una fondamentale componente artistica e creativa. Il crowdfunding nasce come un*idea che?creativamente?deteriora il ruolo di una serie di intermediari ?e si evolve come espressione di?imprenditorialit角 creativa, dove non esiste un confine netto tra ci辰 che 豕 ?creativo? e ci辰 che 豕 ?imprenditoriale?. Nello specifico la creativit角 risponde alle esigenze dell*imprenditorialit角 e viceversa. I Marillion la mettono in questi termini:

?Cos足 abbiamo licenziato il manager. Abbiamo inviato un*email ai 6000 fan del nostro database chiedendo a ognuno di loro: ?Vuoi acquistare l*album in anticipo?? La maggior parte ha risposto ?s足?. [#] Questo 豕 stato il modello di crowdfunding che 豕 stato imitato con parecchio successo da molti altri, tra cui l*esempio pi迄 riuscito di tutti, Kickstarter.?

Sorprendentemente, nonostante l*eredit角 artistica del crowdfunding e la ricorrente copertura mediatica di campagne innovative, la destinazione primaria delle donazioni online non riguarda n谷 la tecnologia n谷 le opere d*arte, bens足 i bisogni personali. A fronte del 68% di donatori che negli Stati Uniti hanno contribuito a campagne lanciate per aiutare una persona in difficolt角, solo il 34% ha finanziato un nuovo prodotto e ancor meno (il 30%) ha deciso di sostenere musicisti e altre tipologie di artisti. Inoltre GoFundMe, una piattaforma incentrata sulle campagne sociali e personali, ha superato nel 2016 la soglia dei 3 miliardi di dollari raccolti, mentre Kickstarter ha raggiunto tale obiettivo solo un anno dopo. GoFundMe non 豕 d*altronde l*unica piattaforma dedicata principalmente al crowdfunding personale: tra le altre si contano YouCaring, GiveForward e persino Indiegogo ha una propria piattaforma di crowdfunding parallela chiamata Generosity.

In che modo il?core business?di queste piattaforme le differenzia da Kickstarter o la stessa IndieGogo? Incarnano forse una logica di raccolta fondi differente da quella dei siti di crowdfunding incentrati sull*arte e sull*inventiva? In altre parole, esiste una differenza sostanziale tra il chiedere soldi per un*emergenza medica e fare lo stesso per un gadget tecnologico? Per rispondere a queste domande mi vorrei soffermare su una serie di campagne che rivelano il modo in cui il crowdfunding personale incoraggia e in qualche misura?esige?esso stesso una buona dose di imprenditorialit角 creativa. La ragione per cui sono particolarmente interessato alle campagne lanciate da questi ?imprenditori di se stessi? 豕 che, pur subendo le dinamiche strutturali del crowdfunding, tentano in un modo o nell*altro di espanderne la portata.

Lo stagista non pagato come?media company

Oggigiorno lo stage rappresenta spesso uno dei pochi percorsi praticabili per avviare una carriera nei settori professionali pi迄 disparati. Lo stage, originariamente concepito come un*esperienza di apprendimento, 豕 dunque ridefinito come opportunit角 per trovare finalmente un impiego. A causa della domanda crescente, aziende e istituzioni 每 tra cui persino quelle ben rodate 每 possono agevolmente offrire stage pagati poco o non pagati affatto. In altre parole, lo stage diventa un investimento necessario per affacciarsi sul mercato del lavoro. Non 豕 difficile rendersi conto del fatto che questi tirocini mal pagati o non pagati contribuiscono ad aggravare un vantaggio di classe, in quanto solo gli individui dotati di sufficiente?stamina finanziaria?si possono permettere questo punto di accesso alla vita professionale.

E tutti gli altri? A loro tocca trovare delle soluzioni?creative. Il crowdfunding 豕 una di queste. Fino a qualche tempo fa, la chiave di ricerca ?stage non retribuito? produceva su GoFundMe circa cinquecento risultati, mentre le campagne relative agli stage in generale erano pi迄 di diecimila. Queste campagne presentano giovani laureati sorridenti che raccontano appassionatamente i propri interessi e risultati accademici, spiegando al tempo stesso di quanto denaro hanno bisogno e perch谷. Queste descrizioni, che oscillano tra?pitch?molto elaborati e?blurb?estremamente concisi, formano un genere letterario meticcio in cui si incrociano diario,?curriculum vitae?e business plan. Questa nuova letteratura ha gi角 i suoi manuali, come ad esempio?una guida?per far s足 che le campagne dedicate alle rette scolastiche portino i giusti frutti.

A proposito di stage e crowdfunding, la vicenda di Clement Nocos risulta al tempo stesso esemplare ed eccezionale. Nel 2016, Nocos, attivista canadese provvisto di un doppio master in scienze politiche, 豕 stato scelto per un prestigioso tirocinio presso le Nazioni Unite, un*opportunit角 ?che capita una volta sola? come afferma lo stesso Nocos con un sottile velo di ironia. C*era solo un inconveniente: lo stage era gratuito. Un problema decisivo dato l*esorbitante costo della vita in una citt角 come New York.

Per la sua campagna Nocos ha scelto Generosity, la piattaforma di IndieGogo dedicata alla ?bont角 umana?, poich谷 non prevede scadenze, permette di offrire delle ricompense e sborsa i fondi a cadenza regolare. Per attrarre il pubblico ha prodotto un videoclip lungo quattro minuti in cui spiega perch谷 vale la pena offrirgli qualche dollaro. Nocos, un giovane politologo, ce l*ha messa tutta per rendere divertente la sua storia, inserendo il suo volto photoshoppato nei titoli di testa e filmando una serie di intermezzi comici con sottofondo hip hop. Nocos ha attuato anche diverse strategie promozionali, chiedendo ad esempio solo la met角 dei soldi necessari oppure offrendo una tazza delle Nazioni Unite (?non in vendita!?) ai donatori particolarmente generosi. Un po* come nelle FAQ di un sito, la campagna include sezioni come ?Perch谷 dovrei aiutarti?? e ?Di cosa hai bisogno?? La pagina include inoltre una ripartizione delle spese previste (tra cui 250 dollari al mese per il cibo). Immancabile infine un*?astuta campagna sui social media?, ritenuta quasi indispensabile da una piattaforma che spinge costantemente i propri utenti a condividere aggiornamenti pubblici.

In un post su Medium, Nocos racconta dettagliatamente i motivi e i risultati della sua campagna: ?Mi pareva che imbarcarsi in uno stage fosse l*unico modo per ottenere quella esperienza lavorativa divenuta apparentemente necessaria per assicurarsi almeno un impiego precario di base.?

Con un debito studentesco sulle spalle, il crowdfunding sembrava l*unica soluzione possibile per finanziare il tirocinio (?Perch谷 il crowdfunding? Cos*altro ho a disposizione??). Ma forse nemmeno questo sarebbe bastato, dato che Nocos non 豕 certo l*unico a fare uso di questo strumento. Per questo ha ?sentito il bisogno di differenziarsi?. Cos足 ha creato un blog e un podcast in cui racconta la sua esperienza come stagista presso le Nazioni Unite (12 episodi in tutto). Partito con la speranza di raccogliere seimila dollari, nell*arco di un anno ne ha raccolti poco meno di duemila. Riflettendo sulla sua esperienza, Nocos, che aveva gi角 dei dubbi sul crowdfunding, ha solo potuto confermare i suoi pregiudizi. Parla di?social media fatigue, del disagio causato dal dover chiedere soldi ad amici che magari stanno attraversando una situazione simile e conclude affermando che ?il mercato del crowdfunding 豕 letteralmente affollato da persone che chiedono soldi per rimpiazzare il salario negato dai loro stage non retribuiti?.

A dispetto del magro bottino, gli sforzi di Nocos hanno prodotto un risultato aggiuntivo. Non 豕 passato molto tempo prima che la sua autopromozione si trasformasse in una critica nei confronti degli stage non retribuiti. Nel suo podcast?The Internship Grind?ha discusso la Fair Internship Initiative, il libro?Intern Nation?di Ross Perlin e ha intervistato Nathalie Berger e David Leo Hyde, autori di?An Unpaid Act, documentario in corso d*opera su stage non pagati e precariet角. Tuttavia, ripensando a questa attivit角, Nocos riconosce umilmente l*ambivalenza che caratterizza il fare ?egoisticamente? lobbying per una causa personale e affrontare una condizione strutturale:

?Ma per essere sinceri, il podcast non serviva solo a documentare questa curiosa anomalia del mercato del lavoro moderno. In un certo senso era intenzionalmente autoreferenziale, in modo tale da attirare l*attenzione sulla mia campagna di crowdfunding e renderla pi迄 visibile ai potenziali donatori.?

Quale ruolo ha giocato Nocos? Essendo consapevole del fatto che il successo del crowdfunding 豕 strettamente legato alla capacit角 di operare al pari di una?media company, ha agito contemporaneamente come copywriter, videomaker, social media manager e contabile.

Tra Call to Action e Attivismo

Sulle piattaforme di crowdfunding personale, non 豕 raro imbattersi in un braccio rotto, un trapianto di cuore o una malattia rara. In questi casi gli obiettivi delle campagne vanno da poche migliaia di dollari a pi迄 di mezzo milione. 60.000 era l*importo richiesto da Kati McFarland, una fotografa venticinquenne dell*Arkansas affetta da sindrome di Ehlers-Danlos, un disturbo genetico che causa molteplici complicazioni tra cui svenimento, stanchezza e paralisi dello stomaco. Lei stessa riassume la sua condizione dicendo che ?pu辰 a malapena camminare / stare in piedi / mangiare senza provare dolore / lussazioni / vomito / blackout?.

Dopo che suo padre 豕 improvvisamente scomparso, McFarland si 豕 trovata sola a lottare per gestire una serie di spese mediche che superano di gran lunga le indennit角 statali. Ecco perch谷 ha lanciato un fundraising su?YouCaring, una piattaforma che a differenza di ?GoFundMe non deduce alcuna percentuale dalle donazioni (a parte un 2,9% detratto dai vari Paypal, WePay o Stripe). La campagna di McFarland non sembra accuratamente progettata come quella di Nocos: non ci sono video sulla sua pagina, solo alcune immagini che la ritraggono mentre subisce trattamenti medici e alcuni screenshot dei relativi costi. La prima parte della descrizione segue il solito copione della narrazione personale, mentre la seconda consiste in una suddivisione dei costi estremamente dettagliata piena di tecnicismi medici. Data la breve soglia di attenzione a cui sono abituati gli utenti di internet, non 豕 difficile capire perch谷 ci sono voluti pi迄 di 7000 reblog e condivisioni per raggiungere un obiettivo preliminare di 1200 dollari.

Le cose sono cambiate per McFarland dopo aver assistito a un discorso di Tom Cotton, membro del Congresso e ardente detrattore dell*Affordable Care Act, riforma sanitaria presa di mira dall*amministrazione Trump. Durante l*evento la giovane fotografa ha preso la parola per spiegare al senatore che eliminare la copertura fornita da quello che 豕 comunemente chiamato Obamacare metterebbe a repentaglio la sua vita (?Morir辰. Non 豕 un*iperbole?). Dunque gli ha chiesto di impegnarsi non solo ad abolire la riforma ma anche a elaborare un adeguato atto sostitutivo. A questo punto il pubblico 豕 esploso in un grosso applauso. Al tentativo di Cotton di glissare sulla questione, la folla?ha espresso la propria disapprovazione?ripetendo in coro ?fa* il tuo lavoro?.

Dopo essere stato pubblicato su internet, l*intervento di Kati McFarland 豕 diventato virale. 豕 a quel punto che le donazioni per la sua campagna si sono sorprendentemente moltiplicate. Nel frattempo McFarland 豕 stata invitata a raccontare l*accaduto durante diversi programmi televisivi, nei quali ha sostenuto l*importanza di dare un volto alla domanda collettiva per un*assistenza sanitaria accessibile. Malgrado ci辰 non ha rinunciato a promuovere la sua campagna, che per lei rappresenta una questione di vita o di morte:

?Ci sono molte cose che avrei voluto dire [#] ma purtroppo mi sono dovuta impegnare per infilare un link a questa campagna [..] uno deve fare ci辰 che deve quando 豕 alle prese con le spese mediche.?

Naturalmente l*attenzione dei media ha avuto un effetto positivo sulle donazioni alla sua campagna. Ma al tempo stesso la sua storia 豕 diventata un simbolo di tutti quei pazienti messi in pericolo da policy scellerate. Kati McFarland, come d*altronde anche Clement Nocos, si 豕 dovuta destreggiare con le ambiguit角 che emergono quando la promozione personale si accompagna al tentativo di far luce su un deficit strutturale.

Prima come spettacolo, poi come tragedia

Intorno al 2007 un meme ha iniziato a circolare su internet. Si tratta della foto di un bambino in spiaggia che con un*espressione sprezzante stringe un pugno di sabbia. L*immagine 豕 nota come ?Success Kid? ed 豕 tuttora utilizzata per esprimere frustrazione o descrivere casi di ?epic win?.

Nel 2015 Sam Griner, il protagonista del meme, ora un ragazzino di 8 anni, si 豕 avvalso della sua popolarit角 online per finanziare il trapianto di reni di suo padre. La famiglia ha dunque lanciato una campagna su GofundMe includendo solo un quadretto familiare con Sam al centro e un conciso resoconto della sciagura. La campagna ha raccolto pi迄 di 100.000 dollari, grazie ai quali 豕 stato possibile effettuare il trapianto. Su?The Verge?la notizia 豕 stata pubblicata nella sezione dedicata all*intrattenimento.

Nonostante il lieto fine, questa vicenda pu辰 essere letta come un ammonimento nei confronti del ruolo svolto dalle dinamiche di rete, dai social media e dai siti d*informazione per quel che riguarda il crowdfunding personale. In tale contesto una serie di criteri pi迄 o meno arbitrari aumentano le probabilit角 di successo di una campagna, pur senza garantirlo. Dopotutto una vera e propria scienza della viralit角 ancora non esiste. Una vaghezza confermata dai suggerimenti fin troppo generici?offerti da GoFundMe: ?evita le immagini sfocate [#] Scrivi un titolo accattivante e descrittivo: Qual 豕 che suona meglio? ※Ho bisogno di soldi!§ oppure ※La lotta di Julie contro il cancro§#. il secondo, giusto?? Un titolo deve essere ?catchy? per distinguersi dalla marea di campagne attive. In questo scenario l*accesso a un mezzo informale di protezione contro le emergenze si trasforma in una corsa in cui l*alfabetizzazione digitale rappresenta un prezioso vantaggio competitivo.

Come sottolinea la scrittrice?Alana Massey, fare crowdfunding per finanziare l*assistenza medica rappresenta la trasformazione pi迄 radicale nell*ambito della raccolta di fondi dagli anni Ottanta. All*epoca stava avvenendo un altro cambiamento cruciale: le organizzazioni di beneficenza stavano convertendo il proprio modello verso la sponsorizzazione individuale. Invece di essere invitati ad ?aiutare?i bambini?in difficolt角?, i donatori sarebbero stati invitati d*ora in poi a ?sostenere?un bambino?in difficolt角?. Questa singolarizzazione della solidariet角, incorporata anche nei siti di crowdfunding, 豕 spesso considerata un?aspetto positivo?poich谷 offre ?l*opportunit角 di aiutare una persona specifica e contribuire a cambiare la vita di un individuo?. Inoltre la relazione individuale tra donatore e beneficiario 豕 rafforzata dal contatto diretto offerto dalle piattaforme di crowdfunding.

Se si tiene conto dello stile telegrafico di diverse campagne, sembra lecito supporre che molte di esse siano destinate solo ad amici e familiari. In questo caso il crowdfunding offre una comoda interfaccia che facilita il coordinamento della raccolta fondi. Ma spesso la speranza 豕 quella di raggiungere un gruppo di sconosciuti e quindi competere per la loro attenzione. Un gruppo le cui scelte riflettono con tutta probabilit角 diversi pregiudizi. Tra di essi ce n*豕 uno che suona particolarmente tetro quando lo si associa al crowdfunding personale: la?survivorship bias, ovvero la tendenza a concentrarsi sui precedenti successi, ignorando i fallimenti nel momento in cui si devono trarre delle conclusioni (vedi?kickended.com). Come scrive Anne Helen Petersen per?Buzzfeed, ?il crowdfunding 豕 un fantastico mezzo per affrontare i bisogni 每 ma solo alcuni di essi e solo per certe persone?.

Per avere successo col crowdfunding bisogna saperci fare con internet. Il giornalista?Luke O*Neil?sottolinea proprio questo aspetto: ?Recentemente ironizzo sul fatto che pensavo di aver sprecato la mia vita su Twitter, ma ci辰 potrebbe tornare utile nel momento in cui sar辰 costretto a raccogliere fondi per un*operazione. Bisogna contrattare. Devi costruire il tuo brand?. O*Neil traccia anche un parallelo diretto e un tantino macabro tra il crowdfunding medico e la pratica imprenditoriale in ambito tecnologico: ?Pensa al tuo cancro come l*origin story?che una startup tecnologica racconta nella sezione ※about§ del proprio sito.? Associando sarcasticamente il racconto della propria storia medica su GoFundMe alla narrazione stereotipata delle startup, O*Neil ci mostra come tra un appello rivolto agli spiriti caritatevoli e un pitch per un gruppo di?venture capitalist?non ci sia poi cos足 tanta differenza.

Ci辰 che emerge dai commenti di O*Neil 豕 la brutale neutralit角 del crowdfunding nei confronti dei contenuti che esso veicola. Si tratta di uno strumento che funziona indipendentemente dal fatto che sia impiegato per finanziare il?Coolest Cooler?o per far fronte alle difficolt角 che incombono durante una vita intera. Introducendo?Generosity, Indiegogo mostra come il crowdfunding possa essere generalizzato attraverso una semplice estensione del suo target di riferimento:

?Nel 2008 abbiamo lanciato Indiegogo con un*idea semplice: dare alle persone il potere e le risorse per realizzare le proprie idee. Nel corso degli anni abbiamo assistito con gioia al modo in cui inventori, musicisti, narratori e attivisti hanno ampliato i confini della nostra visione originale. [#] Ispirati dalla compassione e dallo spirito creativo apparentemente senza limiti dei nostri utenti, ci siamo impegnati a fare di pi迄# questa volta proprio per le persone e le cause che spesso hanno maggiore bisogno di aiuto. Quelle che passano inosservate. Quelle che hanno bisogno di una seconda opportunit角. Quelle sull*orlo del precipizio. Generosity aiuta i pazienti affetti da tumore con le spese mediche e gli studenti con le rette scolastiche. Generosity incentiva gli sforzi umanitari nei paesi emergenti e aiuta le nonprofit ad affrontare rapidamente le loro cause. Generosity copre il conto in rosso alla fine di un mese difficile e supporta il villaggio dopo la tempesta.?

In altre parole il crowdfunding si ripete prima come spettacolo e poi come tragedia. Ma nel frattempo conserva il linguaggio promozionale e le dinamiche imprenditoriali che caratterizzano le raccolte fondi finalizzate all*arte o all*innovazione: le ricompense, l*obbligatorio bombardamento sui social, le tecniche prese in prestito dalla pubblicit角 e, come sostiene?Ian Bogost, l*atmosfera da reality show. Aspetti aspramente criticati dall*artista e attivista?Josh MacPhee, che sopravvivono nel contesto di campagne che riguardano a volte la sopravvivenza stessa:

?Il nostro obiettivo 每 il nostro?imperativo?每 豕 quello di costituire noi stessi e i nostri progetti come merci coerenti, simpatiche e vendibili. Ci risvegliamo come brand, esultando gioiosamente attraverso queste piatte versioni di noi stessi simili a un logo. Puliti ed efficienti con angoli morbidi e stondati ed espressioni antisettiche scritte in Helvetica. Che cosa non amare di queste nuove forme, cos足 eleganti e attraenti dall*esterno, che promettono di aiutarci nell*adempimento dell*ultimo diritto umano rimasto nella nostra societ角: il diritto di essere un imprenditore??

Il tristo imprenditore

Nel 2014 lo scrittore di fantascienza Bruce Sterling ha tenuto?un discorso?dal titolo ?Qualunque cosa accade ai musicisti, accade a tutti gli altri?. Durante il talk ha dipinto i musicisti come ?i ※pazienti zero§ della clinica per lesioni critiche dello?sweatshop?creativo?. Secondo Sterling i musicisti rappresentano la vera avanguardia della precariet角 vissuta dai ?cosiddetti lavoratori creativi. Riflettendo sul crowdfunding come mezzo per sostenere la loro pratica, ha concluso che non si tratta di una buona idea poich谷 ?la folla manca di immaginazione?. A parere di Brett Neilson e Ned Rossiter il lavoratore creativo 豕 considerato da molti il ??soggetto precario per eccellenza. Ora che le soluzioni?creative?stanno diventando un mezzo cruciale per affrontare varie forme di precariet角, possiamo considerare l*immagine dei musicisti come?canary in the coal mine?prodotta da Sterling una previsione tanto vivida da risultare allarmante. Gli individui che lanciano campagne attraverso siti come GoFundMe possono essere visti come lavoratori creativi il cui?medium?sono le proprie avversit角, lavoratori la cui pratica 豕 sostenuta da un*attitudine imprenditoriale che include management e promozione.

La rete 豕 piena di etichette che afferiscono a specifiche tipologie di imprenditore. Online si incontra il?kidtrepreneur, il?solopreneur?e addirittura il?botrepreneur. A giudicare dalle campagne di crowdfunding personale, sembrerebbe che pi迄 si versa in condizioni precarie, meno la via imprenditoriale sia volontaria (a proposito di neologismi, da qualche tempo chiamo?entreprecariat?每 o imprendicariato 每 l*insieme di relazioni tra imprenditorialit角 e precariet角). Quindi, visto che ci siamo, potremmo coniare l*ennesimo termine per parlare degli utenti che popolano i siti di crowdfunding personale. Molti di questi si potrebbero definire?sadtrepreneur, soggetti che senza desiderarlo davvero (o almeno non del tutto) agiscono comunque come imprenditori. Imprenditori tristi, insomma. Per loro la creativit角 necessaria a gestire una campagna di successo non rappresenta tanto una libera forma di espressione, quanto una necessit角 strategica legata alla propria sussistenza.

Lungi dall*essere unicamente il frutto della propria passione, l*imprenditorialit角 ?creativa? sta man mano diventano un obbligo. Pi迄 e pi迄 persone ingrossano a malincuore le fila di un emergente sottoproletariato creativo il cui medium 豕 costituito dalle necessit角 personali dei propri membri. 豕 possibile combinare tale obbligo imprenditoriale con autentiche espressioni di disagio? Si pu辰 fare PR attraverso la precariet角 e contro la precarizzazione? In questo scenario preoccupante, le storie di Clement Nocos e Kati McFarland riflettono l*impulso di deviare l*attenzione esclusivamente dalle miserie dei singoli verso le pi迄 ampie condizioni strutturali che in certa misura le causano. Uno sforzo, questo s足, degno di una monumentale campagna di crowdfunding.

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Time-space vs Space-time https://www.google.com//7f9/entreprecariat/time-space-vs-space-time/ /7f9/entreprecariat/time-space-vs-space-time/#respond Mon, 23 Apr 2018 08:43:32 +0000 /7f9/entreprecariat/?p=904 free bet casino 2019]]> We inhabit time-spaces, which means spaces organized by logistical time. Take the metro, wait five minutes, two stops, out. Go to the office, the meeting is at 10 and I*m late, lunch break, five more hours, out. The hackathon will last 24 hours from now# 3, 2, 1, start! Etc. The factory is the most blatant example of time-space: a productive space functionally organized by the chronometer. In time-spaces, time is king. Among the effects of the restructuring of time-space, there is the conflation of time with the?counting of time: time becomes measurement.

Technology contributes to convert spaces that were semi-protected from the dominance of time into time-spaces: I*m home and it*s Saturday, but I still have things to do: better using that productivity app to get things done before noon (the todo list is just another instrument to measure time). The byproduct of time-spaces is anxiety: you think you*re running across a space, but you*re actually adjusting your pace to a specific temporality, you*re surfing time. Anxiety emerges from the chasm between one*s pace and the temporality suggested or imposed by the spaces they inhabit.

How to overcome this anxiety? One way is to create the conditions for space-times to emerge, which is to say non-logistical temporalities fostered by productive or non-productive spaces. There, space, with the totality of its relational qualities, is king. Space-time is the so-called?※flow§?(or zone) on steroids, that is, flow existing outside the person and encompassing a group. Maybe a good example of space that produces space-time is the church, since its rituals produce a sense of collective involvement and focus. This example is somehow ironic, given that the church bell is an early example of time that organizes space. So, maybe better propose the workshop as an instance of space-time generation. With the risk of romanticizing a bit, the workshop suggest an idea of?timelessness, which is to say time that is not counted/measured, thus time in its most genuine state.

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